Posts Tagged: Leveson Inquiry

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11
Nov 11

Rusbridger’s Orwell lecture: hacking away at the truth

The twittersphere sent round plenty of links to last night’s Orwell lecture by the Guardian’s editor-in-chief Alan Rusbridger, so signalling its importance is hardly needed. But I’m mentioning it to urge you to read the full text.

Besides being an excellent read, the lecture is in two parts. The first is the story of the hacking story, with plenty of justified emphasis laid on how difficult it was for the Guardian to get traction for a story which others didn’t, for a long time, want to touch. The second half is Rusbridger’s first outline of how he thinks the press regulation system should be rewritten after the Leveson inquiry. I have a few reservations about some of what he proposes but putting the “public interest” issue front and centre is dead right. I’ll come back to those arguments at a later date, but for now read the whole lecture.


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15
Oct 11

Leveson and media regulation: the Dacre surprise

In the wake of the phone-hacking scandal in Britain, a judge-led inquiry is now sitting to look at a series of questions about media regulation, some of them related to hacking and some not. To allow the media industry an early opportunity to vent its feelings about the inquiry, Lord Justice Leveson organised three seminars as an overture to the inquiry’s evidence sessions.

Because the seminars were principally about letting off steam, the speakers with the strongest feelings and language naturally made the headlines. But the third seminar witnessed a retreat which has moved the goalposts.

The long-serving editor of the Daily Mail, Paul Dacre, railed against the inquiry, which he sees as no more than revenge by MPs for the exposure of the expenses scams. So far so predictable. Then, in his closing words, Dacre effectively conceded that the existing system of self-regulation was not good enough and might have to be strengthened. Quite considerably strengthened, as it turned out. Dacre’s performance was the rhetorical equivalent of an army which fires at great deal of ammunition at its enemy, creating noise and smoke. Only when the smoke clears for a moment does it become clear that the forces making all the noise have actually retreated.

Dacre announced that the Mail would be carrying a corrections column on its second page as of next week. He said that the Press Complaints Commission’s “code committee” (i.e. the rule-writers) should have lay members and not be composed solely of editors. He even suggested that this committee might take part in public consultations. He floated the idea that newspapers might need to appoint an “ombudsman” (perhaps a retired judge advised by a couple of retired editors) to inquire into “potential press scandals”. This figure should have the power to summon witnesses and to name the guilty. It might levy fines and on the “polluter pays” principle, the newspapers should carry the costs of such inquiries. Dacre implied that this newly-empowered ombudsman would exist alongside the PCC, but their exact relationship was left vague. (Complete Leveson inquiry video and transcripts here).

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11
Oct 11

Leveson’s witnesses: asking old questions in a new era

I’ve been looking at the first two seminars held by the Leveson inquiry into press conduct and regulation before attending the third of these this week. Given that this inquiry is going to last for at least a year and (probably) set a regulatory framework for years to come, the most puzzling aspect of what the inquiry has been told so far lies in the frame of reference adopted by most speakers.

Most of those who have spoken so far have made only passing reference (if any reference at all) to the fact that “the press” is no longer only in print. The fact that journalism is gradually going digital seems to me to have large implications for the legal or regulatory context in which it happens. This suggests that the frame of reference for thinking about regulation needs shifting.

Journalism’s first era was enabled and defined by machinery: the capital-intensive technology of printing and broadcasting. Journalists were easy to identify because they used these platforms. The era we are now entering does not have that handy definition. Anyone with access to a smartphone can now publish; anyone can now claim to be a journalist. For now, the established powers of mainstream journalism dominate the media landscape and set the agenda; estimates differ, but in Britain somewhere between 7% and 10% of people get their news first and foremost from the internet. But this may well change and likely will.

It’s surely very difficult to determine ways of preventing misconduct in journalism without being clear about what journalism actually is and what it does (if anything) that makes it distinctive. News is no longer a self-defining industrial activity. Journalism is one (very important) activity on a spectrum of social communications transformed by digital technology. Journalism has decoupled from the printing technology which founded the idea in the first place. Any question of whether journalism deserves particular treatment under the law must start with what journalism actually does that makes it particular.

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4
Oct 11

Media regulation: heat and light

Debates about the state of journalism “post phone-hacking” occur almost nightly in London. The Leveson inquiry into, among other things, press regulation has begun work. Are any new ideas being generated?

Newspaper editors, when they have been audible at all, have cautioned about any form of tougher regulation than the discredited self-regulation which exists now. But they have been less voluble about what might work better than the Press Complaints Commission which Prime Minister David Cameron appeared to pronounce dead when the phone-hacking storm was at its height in the summer. Editors appear nervous that to discuss possible future regulation systems in any detail increases the risk that any new system or laws will err on the side of strangling free journalistic inquiry. The PCC, apparently considering reports of its death to be premature, is advertising for a new chairman and revamping its procedures.

The risk of over-regulation exists for sure. But an intellectual vacuum also has dangers. If you assume that the PCC self-regulation system won’t survive intact, something has to replace it. Alternatives need to be sketched out and tested. Some of this thinking is happening. The rest of this post is a quick tour of the ideas being lined up.

A recent discussion at the Reuters Institute in Oxford looked at seven regulation options pulled together by Martin Moore of the Media Standards Trust.

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